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The Russian sanctions and dollar foreign exchange reserves

Will the freezing of the Bank of Russia’s foreign exchange reserves undermine the dollar’s predominant role in official foreign exchange reserves? This column examines the aggregate evidence since end-2021 for any reduction in the dollar share of official foreign exchange reserves against a baseline constructed with data from 1999 through 2021. The observed dollar share in March 2024 differs little from the out-of-sample projection based on this baseline. On this showing, official reserve managers have not reduced the role of the dollar since the freeze of the Bank of Russia’s assets.

The effective freezing of nearly one-half of the Bank of Russia’s foreign reserves by a broad array of advanced economy governments in February 2022 led to a debate over whether this move would lead to a decline in the role of the dollar in official foreign exchange (FX) reserves. Previous freezes on the central banks of Libya, Iran, Venezuela and Afghanistan did not target hundreds of billions of dollars or such a large country. In this column, we review the aggregate evidence for diversification out of the dollar by official reserve managers since end-2021.

Rebucci and Ahmed (2022) argued that the diminished insurance value of dollar reserves as a result of the freeze could lead to a cut-back in official dollar holdings and higher US Treasury yields. McDowell (2023) cited the precedents of the Russian and Turkish central banks’ selling dollars after multilateral sanctions on Russia in 2014 and 2018, and US bilateral sanctions on Turkey in 2018. 1 Bianchi and Sosa-Padilla (2023) provided a model for how sanctions, by lowering the usability and liquidity (‘convenience yields’) of US dollar reserves, reduce the demand for them.

Others argued that the freeze of the Bank of Russia’s reserves would not lead to a decline of the predominance of dollar reserves. James et al (2022) argued that there is no good alternative to the dollar. Folkerts-Landau et al (2022) argued that the Russian asset seizure is consistent with the function of dollar reserves as collateral given to raise the cost of misbehaviour. Weiss (2022) argued that fear of US sanctions would not have a large aggregate effect, because the bulk of world FX reserves are held by countries more or less aligned with the US. Indeed, the breadth of the coalition of countries that froze the Russian central bank’s reserves highlighted such alignment.

In empirical testing in a panel of country-level data, Goldberg and Hannaoui (2024) do not find that financial sanctions by the US are associated with a lower dollar share of official FX reserves. Chinn et al. (2024) report similar results, both from a regression of the dollar share alone or from a pooled regression including other reserve currencies. By contrast, Arslanalp et al. (2023) find that financial sanctions do lead to an increase in gold as a share of overall reserves.

Weiss (2022) puts the spotlight on China, the largest FX reserve holder at some distance geopolitically from the US. Weiss (2023) finds that China (both the private and official sectors) was one of the largest acquirers of US securities in 2022. Setser (2023) also finds that China has not sold dollars. 2

Now, years after the freeze of Russian official FX reserves, is there any evidence of an aggregate shift out of the dollar by official reserve managers? 3 To answer this question, one needs a baseline for the evolution of the dollar reserve share. Does the evolution of the previous determinants of that share since the end of 2021 suggest a shortfall of the observed share? If so, there is room for the interpretation that sanctions are undermining the dollar’s predominance as an official reserve currency. 

Two factors provide a baseline against which to judge whether sanctions have led to a reallocation of FX reserves away from the dollar. Arslanalp et al. (2022) highlight a trend decline in the dollar share of about one-half percentage point per year since the inception of the euro in 1999. These authors ascribe the trend to the greater liquidity of minor currencies, reserve managers’ greater emphasis on returns and the very low interest rates on offer on the major reserve currencies.

Chinn et al. (2021, 2022) find that fluctuations in exchange rates account for most of quarterly changes in the dollar share of FX reserves. Some highly professionalised managers of large foreign exchange reserves, like those at the Swiss National Bank, maintain their targeted currency allocations in the face of exchange rate changes. In other words, such reserve managers periodically rebalance their reserves. They sell currencies that have gained value and buy those that have lost value, and thereby prevent dollar appreciation or depreciation from raising or lowering the dollar share. But it turns out that in general reserve managers only partially rebalance their FX holdings in response to exchange-rate valuation gains and losses. Thus, exchange rate changes explain a significant fraction of the fluctuations of the dollar share of FX reserves around its trend.

In Chinn et al. (2021, 2022), quarterly percentage point changes in the dollar share of global FX reserves are regressed on a constant to measure the trend and on the calculated percentage exchange-rate valuation effect on the dollar share.  4 The latter is estimated from the weighted sum of quarterly changes in the dollar price of the reserve currencies broken out by the IMF. 5 An estimated coefficient of one suggests no rebalancing, and a coefficient of zero suggest full rebalancing.

This simple regression of changes in the dollar share produces a reasonable fit for the period 1999Q2 through 2021Q4, accounting for almost two-thirds of the quarterly changes (an adjusted R-squared of .62). As confirmed by den Besten et al. (2023), 7/10ths of the calculated valuation change in the dollar share shows up in the observed change in the share, suggesting that in aggregate rebalancing is only partial. 6 The downward trend is estimated at 0.12% per quarter, or about one-half percent per year. 7  

These estimates are combined into a simple baseline to address the question of whether reserve managers have since 2021 reduced their dollar share in a departure from their previous behaviour. Figure 1 shows the out-of-sample evolution of the observed dollar share and its projected share based on the December 2021 observation, the baseline trend and the baseline response to valuation changes.

Figure 1 Dollar share of foreign exchange reserves (%)

Figure 1 Dollar share of foreign exchange reserves

Source: IMF Cofer; authors’ calculations.
Note: Projection uses 2021Q4 dollar share of 58.8%, constant of -.121 and coefficient for the effect of valuation change of .735. where the latter two are estimated from quarterly changes in the dollar share over the 91 quarters 1999Q2-2021Q4.

Since 2021, the dollar share has evolved in a manner in line with its behaviour over the period 1999-2021. As it happens, the observed share in blue at end-March 2024 is nearly identical to its share at end-2021. But that was just shy (0.3%, to be precise) of the share that one would expect in red. The effect of the appreciation of the dollar in raising the dollar share barely exceeded the effect of the downtrend. A statistical (‘Chow’) test rejects a structural break after 2021. 8 Taking the nine quarters as a whole, nothing out of the ordinary happened to the dollar share. 9

On this showing, it is hard to argue that the freezing of the Russian reserves and subsequent discussion of seizing them has led official reserve managers to shift their portfolios away from the dollar in favour of other currencies. The latest data suggest that the dollar share of FX reserves is just about where one would expect it to be, given exchange rate changes and the share’s gradual downtrend.

It deserves emphasis that the freeze of Bank of Russia’s assets included holdings denominated in the other major reserve currencies, so it left limited options to avoid a similar future freeze. Renminbi held in China were not included in the freeze, but the IMF reports a decline in the renminbi share of FX reserves from 2.8% at end-2021 to 2.2% in March 2024. While gold may be gaining share in foreign reserves at the margin (Arslanalp et al. 2023), the dollar’s predominance in official FX reserves remains.

References

Arslanalp, S, B Eichengreen and C Simpson-Bell (2022), “The stealth erosion of dollar dominance and the rise of nontraditional reserve currencies,” Journal of International Economics 138, 103656.

Arslanalp, S, B Eichengreen and C Simpson-Bell (2023), “Gold as international reserves: A barbarous relic no more?”, Journal of International Economics 145, 103822.

Bianchi, J and C Sosa-Padilla (2023), “International sanctions and dollar dominance”, NBER Working Paper No 31024.

Chinn, M, J Frankel and H Ito (2024), “The Dollar versus the euro as international reserve currencies”, Journal of International Money and Finance 146, 103123.

Chinn, M, H Ito and R McCauley (2021, 2022), “Do central banks rebalance their reserves?”, NBER Working Paper no 29190, and Journal of International Money and Finance 122, 102557.

den Besten, T, M Minesso and M Habib (2023), “Valuation effects and rebalancing of official foreign exchange reserves”, The international role of the euro, June, pp 20-24.

Eichengreen, B (2023), “The international monetary landscape: Implications of the Russia-Ukraine war, the rise of China and new digital technologies”, in The international economic and financial order after pandemic and war, The Future of Banking 5, CEPR Press.

Folkerts-Landau, D, P Garber and M Dooley (2022), “Seizures of foreign exchange reserves will not weaken the dollar’s role as dominant reserve currency,” VoxEU.org, 12 May.

Goldberg, L and O Hannaoui (2024), “Drivers of dollar share in foreign exchange reserves”, Federal Reserve Bank of New York Staff Reports No 1087, March. 

James, H, J-P Landau and M Brunnermeier (2022), "Sanctions and the international monetary system", VoxEU.org, 5 April.

Kondo, M and I Ouyang (2024), “China sells record sum of US debt amid signs of diversification”, Bloomberg, 16 May.

McCauley, R (2023), “What Russia’s fortress balance sheet can tell us about the dollar’s future”, FT Alphaville, 23 June.

McDowell, D (2023), Bucking the buck: U:S: financial sanctions and the international backlash against the dollar, Oxford University Press.

Rebucci, A and R Ahmed (2022), “The Russian reserves freeze and US interest rates: Side effects and spillbacks”, VoxEU.org, 16 November.

Setser, B (2023), “China isn't shifting away from the dollar or dollar bonds,” Council on Foreign Relations Follow the Money blog, 3 October.

Weiss, C (2022), “Geopolitics and the U.S. dollar's future as a reserve currency.” Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System International Finance Discussion Paper No. 1359, October.

Weiss, C (2023), "Financial flows to the United States in 2022: was there fragmentation?", FEDS Notes, 4 August.

Footnotes

  1. McDowell recognises that Russia retained dollars and moved them outside of the United States, but then proxies Turkey’s central bank dollar holdings with the country’s US Treasury holdings. He neglects the possible use of FX swaps by the Bank of Russia to hold synthetic dollars, eg yen or renminbi holdings sold forward against dollars. McCauley (2022) argues from notes on derivative positions in the Bank of Russia annual report that such synthetic dollars could have amounted to 10% of the FX reserve holdings at end-2020. In this case, the diversification of exposure to the dollar would have been smaller than the reported diversification of on-balance-sheet positions.
  2. The assessment of China’s holdings of US securities is made difficult by the use of offshore custodians. See Setser (2023). Kondo and Ouyang (2024) interpret a decline in US bond holdings by China in Q1 2024 as reported by the US Treasury as evidence of diversification away from the dollar. Setser (personal communication with the authors) notes a rapid growth of US Treasury bond holdings in Luxembourg and the United Kingdom that would be consistent with China’s increased reliance on a wider array of offshore custodians for its US bond holdings rather than diversification from the dollar. Note that the Q1 2024 observation in Figure 1 does not suggest a big diversification from the dollar.
  3. For an answer based on data from the first half of 2022, see Eichengreen (2023).
  4. See Equation 3 and Table 2a, column 1, in Chinn et al. (2021, 2022).
  5. See Equation 1 in Chinn et al (2021, 2022). The IMF data included only the euro, yen, sterling, and Swiss franc until the 4th quarter of 2012, then the Australian and the Canadian dollars as well until the 4th quarter of 2016, and then the Chinese yuan renminbi.
  6. The estimated parameter is .735, with a standard error is .061, and a p-value of .000. Compare with Chinn et al. (2021, 2022), Table 2a, column 1, and den Besten et al. (2023).
  7. The estimated parameter is -.121, with a standard error is .055, and a p-value of .029.
  8. A Chow test of stability of the parameters over the two subperiods, 1999Q2-2021Q4 and 2022Q1-2024Q1, is F2,96= 0.574, with a p of 0.57, allowing a rejection of the hypothesis that first quarter of 2022 marked a structural break in the evolution of the dollar share of FX reserves.
  9. The gap between the observed and the projected dollar share in 2022 may have opened up in part owing to sales of dollars to resist home currency depreciation against the dollar. Den Besten et al. (2023) estimate that reserve managers sold dollars amounting to $293 billion in 2022, “a fraction” against the home currency. The Japanese authorities alone sold about $60 billion against yen to support the currency in the third and fourth quarters of 2022. Sales of the dollar in this and other currency intervention to support the home currency may have offset for some quarters a portion of the usual effect of dollar appreciation on the dollar share. See Chinn et al (2021, 2022), Table 2a, column 2.